Reservation And Affirmative Action analysis

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Affirmative action is termed to be a subject that has an extensive public debate.  Different people think that affirmative action is one of the policies not understood and characterized properly. This is not thought by the people opposing affirmative action, but also the defenders of affirmative action. This essay will try to define these delusions, expound why people consider them to be delusions and put greater defense of policies in affirmative action. Prevalent misrepresentations of policies in affirmative actions are challenged and examined in this paper (Edley, Pp 65).

These are both delusions about the various groups that these policies are created to benefit and the benefits to be achieved. In addition, misunderstandings on policies in affirmative action rationales are addressed.  There are arguments that policies in affirmative actions are supposed to be understood as there are attempts to make equal various opportunities for different peoples’ groups confronting lack of equality in opportunities and institutional discrimination (MacKinnon, Pp. 50).

Arguments that surround affirmative action distort the scope of policies in affirmative action in various ways. One of the most disturbing misrepresentations is the prevalent tendency to understand policies in affirmative action as based on race alone and talk more about the African Americans as the group anticipated to benefit. The policies in affirmative actions are to put these talks as false ones. When the policies in affirmative actions were first put into effect, they were created to help members of other racial groups that had disadvantages rather than the African Americans. An example is that nearly two thirds of the learners admitted in Davis Medical School program of affirmative action challenged by the Bakke’s landmark case in 1978, were Asian Americans or latinos (Harris and Narayan, 2007).

The opinions made by the justices of the Supreme Court who considered this incident, discussed the affirmative action as if the African Americans were the main people to benefit. This was an unfortunate misrepresentation because in the United States racial history, such misrepresentations are dangerous. This is because it is easy to create stereotypes that are negative concerning these programs when the groups of African Americans are regarded as their main beneficiaries (Edley, pp. 115). It is vital for everyone to know that even if the policies in affirmative actions were primarily based racially, they were created to prepare the institutional exclusion of different groups that were racially disadvantaged.

In various institutional perspectives, policies in affirmative action have been extended so that they may cover areas concerning unequal opportunities and discrimination. Policies in affirmative action in various institutions like professional schools, have tried to promote the access of applicants who were working (MacKinnon, Pp. 98).  A world whereby policies in affirmative actions are initiated is a world where quite a number of prestigious professions and institutions are enclaves of white people of the upper classes.

The dominant catastrophe to contemplate the number of people that policies in affirmative action have had benefits raises different objections to these affirmative action policies. For example, a big number of people argue that policies in affirmative actions are supposed to be class based as an alternative of race. This is because the people believe that African Americans in the middle class are not worthy of these affirmative action. This argument has various problems. The first one is that a large number of people supporting this argument position the matter as a choice amidst class and race, taking no notice that policies in affirmative actions are both race and class based (MacKinnon, pp. 121).

The second one is that the people supporting this argument believe that Blacks from the middle class are not suffering from the discrimination effects despite significant proof to the opposing.  During 1980’s, studies made independently by Urban League and Grier partnership showed striking disparities in Whites and Blacks level of employment in Washington, one of the areas deemed as Blacks “best markets” (Harris and Narayan, 2007). The two studies made reveal that racial discrimination is one of the factors that leads to this difference.

A study conducted by the Urban Institute in 1990’s surveyed practices of employment in Washington and Chicago by sending Black and White applicants dressed identically and equally qualified to advertised positions in the newspapers (Harris and Narayan, 2007). In addition, the applicants were matched for age, work personal characteristics and experience. This study found that there was a repeated discrimination according to the advertised position level. On the other hand, the study exposed that White people are the ones who receive more job offers than the Blacks who are qualified. There are no suggestions that discrimination based on gender and sexism faced by the people in institutions is an end product of their status either middle or low class. Moreover, there have been defends that affirmative action provide special treatment to certain people of groups that are marginalized as reimbursements for the injustices they went through (MacKinnon, Pp. 157).

According to Harris and Narayan (2007), different people argue that a party paying a price for affirmative action has no responsibility for the injuries its beneficiaries have suffered. Other people argue on the specific payments involved. These critics strengthen the arguments made by showing that the policies in affirmative action may not be the equitable forms of compensations. This is because; the injured people are not the getting compensations as their injuries are due to them lacking the qualifications considered. Various attempts have been made to secure compensation rationale contrary to these objections. There are believes that this still remains as one of the problematic and inadequate affirmative action rationale.

By suggesting on affirmative action compensating individuals for damages done by sexism or racism, the rationale states that one of the problems is an individual who is damaged relatively than the problem itself because of the practices, structures and institutional principles within the institutions that obstruct fair valuations of American capabilities. Procedures and prevalent valuations are not used in gauging the abilities of people of given marginalized groups. This compensation model does not put questions on the normative valuations the institutions use. To add on that, the model does not encourage serious reflection on the assessment processes used in determining these qualifications (Sharma, pp. 94).

In addition, the model does not question how affirmative action involves special treatment. People consider this as one of the weaknesses as there is no challenges that policies in affirmative action lead to entry of individuals with less qualifications. This insists that preferences given on individuals with less qualification are vindicated as a compensation form. On top of that, this compensation also conflates basis for gender policies in affirmative action and race with that for the policies that endorse veterans’ institutional access (Sharma, pp. 106).

These veteran policies are supposed to be understood as ways of compensating their injuries, efforts and risks sustained while serving the nation. The risks, efforts and injuries may detract or impede the veterans from their educational or employment goals. People believe that their rationales for affirmative actions are stronger than the arguments of social utility proffered in the defense. According to Harris and Narayan (2007), Dworkin argues that policies in affirmative action giving preferences to smaller candidates are not violating the rights to Blacks getting equal treatment as the Whites.

In his arguments, Dworkin says that there will be violation of rights when a White person undergoes disadvantages when contending with Black people. This is because the race of the White people is the contempt’s object.  In addition, Dworkin goes on to argue that the costs suffered by the White people applicants due to policies in affirmative actions are acceptable. This is because these types of policies endorse various helpful social ends. Other social ends that are beneficial and argued by Dworkin are attended by affirmative action including providing blacks with role models such as lawyers who will be willing to help the Black community (Harris and Narayan, 2007).

Policies in affirmative actions are justified as they are necessary in ensuring the right of any person of a given marginalized group to treatment. Rationale for the affirmative action also varies from societal utility arguments justifying these policies on a way they lead to great range of backgrounds and different perceptions inside academic institutions thus facilitating the process of learning.  Diversity in the university can be improved by different people from various widespread backgrounds being admitted. In addition, these people must have different talents that are special (MacKinnon, 167).

Diversity commitment could substantiate policies promoting recruitment of abroad students from areas of the country said to be remote and those students that have interests that are unusual. Despite institutional reasons used in promoting diversity, no students need to have suffered from effects of institutional discrimination forms in United States. Hence, a quite number of students who provide diversity are not eligible to qualify for an affirmative action despite existence of reasons of admitting such students.  Admitting large population of people working in these institutions that significantly under represent the people leads to an increase in institutional diversity in various ways (Harrisand Narayan, 2007).

In conclusion, these beneficial consequences are viewed as additional remunerations of affirmative action. While people believe that affirmative action has had consequences that are beneficial by making various work areas to be integrated along gender lines, class and race, these consequences are viewed as results used in treating people equally (MacKinnon, Pp. 175). Affirmative action has been condemned because it stigmatizes the people participating because they regard the affirmative action beneficiaries as people with low qualifications. On the other hand, the policies in affirmative action have been criticized due to the thoughts that they cause bitterness to the people who are qualified and denied entry due to these policies.

People believe that the two criticisms are as a result of failures of accurately understanding rationales for affirmative action. Many people who complain on the preferential treatment they have faith in affirmative action concurrences to the people in academia think that everybody is admitted in an institution due to merit (Harrisand Narayan, 2007). Confusions surrounding affirmative action surpass ideological categories supporters and critics, of all administrative stripes that have underestimated the importance of policies in affirmative action, joined in comparing affirmative action with special treatment and gave permissions to vital assumptions on ways institutions function.

Works Cited

Edley, Christopher. “Not all Black and White: Affirmative Action and American Values.” New York: Hill and Wang, 1996. Pp. 56-115.

Harris.C, Luke and Narayan, Uma. “Affirmative Action as Equalizing opportunity: Challenging the Myth of Preferential Treatment.”African American policy Forum.  25 February. 2007. <http://aapf.org/2007/02/equalizingopportunity/>Web. 8 June 2012>.

MacKinnon, Barbara. “Ethics: Theory and Contemporary Issues.” Stamford: Cengage learning, 2010. Pp. 25-175.

Sharma, Arvind. “Reservation And Affirmative Action: Models of Social Integration in India And the United States.” California: SAGE, 2005. Pp. 77-180.

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